By Eric Freedman, Richard Shafer
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Additional info for After the Czars and Commissars: Journalism in Authoritarian Post-Soviet Central Asia
Without access to the electronic media, the DCK lost its main instrument for reaching a wider audience of potential supporters. Combined, these examples show how quickly the resources built up by elites can be lost, should they be used in a way that the president ﬁnds threatening to the status quo. Five years a er the sudden emergence and heavy-handed repression of the DCK, Kazakhstan’s nongovernment media once again served as a venue for rival ﬁnancial-industrial groups to attack one another. This time, however, the media were used not by second-tier groups to discredit those in the inner circle, but by ones within the inner circle against the leader of another group close to the president.
And only those armed with surplus capital can withstand the losses incurred from supporting unproﬁtable stations. CASE STUDIES: THE DCK OPPOSITION MOVEMENT 2001 02 AND RAKHATGATE 2007 For the most part, ﬁnancial-industrial groups use their media holdings to wage public relations campaigns against their competitors. Articles and editorials that are critical of rivals have o en appeared, for example, in the pages of the nongovernment newspapers Megapolis, Vremya, and Ekspress-K (Omarova 2002, 2007b).
2003. ” Journal of Development Communication 14(2): 57–62. Hopkins, Mark W. 1970. Mass Media in the Soviet Union. New York: Pegasus. Johnson, Owen V. 1999. ” In Eastern European Journalism: Before, During and A er Communism, ed. Jerome Aumente, Peter Gross, Ray Hiebert, Owen V. Johnson, and Dean Mills, 5–40. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Khalid, Adeeb. 1994. ” International Journal of Middle East Studies 26(2): 187–200. , and Gulnara Ibraeva. 2002. The Historical Development and Current Situation of the Mass Media in Kyrgyzstan.
After the Czars and Commissars: Journalism in Authoritarian Post-Soviet Central Asia by Eric Freedman, Richard Shafer